A Reading in the U.S. National Security Strategy (1) Most important messages

By / May 3, 2026

The U.S. National Security Strategy document, issued by the White House on the fourth of December 2025, expressed a clear transition from “liberal hegemony” to a new American model that blends realism and nationalism.

Accordingly, the current document does not carry a clear difference from the documents of the previous American administrations; it also differs from the document that was launched by President Donald Trump during his first term, which sought to present a more comprehensive picture of the challenges that face Washington and the paths of dealing with them.

And in connection with that, it becomes clear that the new National Security Strategy document has a distinctly “Trumpian” character, and aims at crystallizing and framing the approach of President “Trump” and his ideas, not to mention what it reflects of a great and exaggerated estimation of the role of the president and what he has done since his arrival to the Oval Office in his second term, as it considered that he managed to achieve huge accomplishments in a short period.

And thus, it becomes clear that the new document embodies the mentality of the businessman and the logic of deals and the approach of “America First,” which means that it does not frame “what should be,” but rather “what can be done” to achieve the clear and direct American interests.

And in light of that, this document carried several clear messages, which can be formulated as follows:

1- Emphasizing the approach of “America First”:

The U.S. National Security Strategy clearly affirmed the necessity of preserving national sovereignty and recognized that protecting borders and confronting immigration are essential to national security.

This means the focus is no longer on protecting the world or reforming it, but on protecting American interests and enhancing the power of the United States across its different dimensions (military, security, economic, technological, and cultural).

And this matter is closely connected to rejecting the draining of American resources into regions or conflicts that do not clearly serve American interests or do not constitute a direct threat to the security of the United States.

2- Military power as the backbone of deterrence:

Despite the document confirming the rejection of draining the American power on the international arena, it stressed the importance and centrality of the United States possessing the strongest army equipped technologically in the world, and that by relying on reviving the defense industrial base for the sake of producing the latest systems and ammunition, and the most efficient of them.

In addition, the document confirmed the need to maintain Washington’s superiority in military and dual-use technologies, with a special focus on fields where the United States has comparative advantages, such as submarines, space, and nuclear energy.

As developing military power will help achieve the vision of President “Trump” for “peace through power,” thereby deterring opponents whenever the need arises.

3- The economy in the core of national security:

The new document links economic power directly to national security, viewing the American economy as a “pillar” of internal strength and global influence.

The document also confirms that enhancing American industrial power is a top priority, alongside balanced trade, securing access to supply chains and vital materials, and preserving the dominance of the American financial sector on the international stage.

In addition, the document highlighted the importance of energy dominance, noting that it not only fuels American economic growth but also makes the energy sector one of the leading export sectors.

4- Leadership and technological dominance:

The National Security Strategy document reflects a clear recognition of the importance and centrality of technology, and the necessity of placing competition and the technological race at the top of the American administration’s priorities in the international arena.

It confirmed the desire that American technology and American standards – especially in the fields of artificial intelligence, biotechnology, and quantum computing – become the basis for pushing the world forward.

5- The right-wing cultural identity:

The National Security Strategy document included language that was not usual, to a large degree, in previous strategies; it did not focus on the values of democracy and human rights externally, but rather reflected a clear concern and fear of cultural threats facing Americans at home.

And it stressed, in this context, the necessity of confronting propaganda, influence operations, and other forms of cultural sabotage.

And it emphasized the importance of restoring and revitalizing “American spiritual and cultural health,” noting that without it, long-term security is impossible.

6- Control over the Western Hemisphere:

The strategy revived the “Monroe Doctrine” according to a “Trumpian formula,” stipulating that, after years of neglect, Washington will reassert the “Monroe Doctrine” to restore its superiority in the Western Hemisphere and protect its homeland and its access to vital strategic locations in this region.

The document also indicated that Washington will prevent competitors outside the Western Hemisphere from deploying forces, possessing threatening capabilities, or controlling vital strategic assets.

And the document concluded that failing to take this region seriously, which represents the backyard of the United States, is a strategic mistake that Washington will pay for years to come.

7- Tearing the transatlantic ties:

The new document represents a clear overturning of the pattern of relations that brought together the United States and Europe for decades; despite confirming the strategic and cultural importance of Europe for the United States, it stressed limiting the role of Washington as a guarantor of the security of Europe, calling the European countries to bear their security responsibilities by themselves.

And the matter did not stop at this limit, but rather went beyond it to direct criticisms related to what the document described as a decline in Europe’s civilizational and identity character on the one hand, and what it considered failures resulting from submission to the institutions of the European Union on the other hand.

This is a scene that rejects the European model and reproduces the discourse of right-wing parties in Europe.

8- Continuation of the importance of the region of the two oceans (Indian–Pacific):

The new document carried a renewed confirmation of the importance of the region of the two oceans (Indian–Pacific), which crystallized during the administration of President “Barack Obama” through the concept of “Pivot to Asia” and the policy of “Rebalance to Asia,” then President “Trump” during his first term changed the term to the region of the two oceans (Indian–Pacific) to be more precise in its geographical scope.

The document highlighted the need to preserve this region as free and open and considered it the most important arena of economic and geopolitical competition in the coming century.

In addition, the document reflects a continuation of the approach of relying on the network of allies and partners in this region, in a way that prevents China’s dominance and even helps encircle it without confrontation.

9- Emphasizing the protection of Taiwan:

The National Security Strategy document renewed the United States’ commitment to protecting Taiwan, but did so on a different basis: its importance in semiconductor production and its strategic geographic location.

Which means employing Taiwan as a tool and ignoring its historical importance, which predates the invention of semiconductors by a long time.

And in this context, the document stipulated the need to deter any conflict over Taiwan by maintaining military superiority.

10- Decline of the importance of the Middle East:

The document confirmed – clearly – the decline in the Middle East’s importance within the priorities of American foreign policy, and that, in light of the region’s declining role as the world’s most important energy source.

And despite that, the document stressed that the United States will remain having core interests in ensuring that the energy supplies in the Gulf do not fall in the hands of a “clear enemy,” and that the Strait of Hormuz remains open, and ensuring freedom of navigation in the Red Sea, not to mention that the region does not turn into a haven for terrorism against Washington and the American interests.

In addition to that, the document pointed out that Israel’s remaining safe remains among the core American interests in the region, pointing to the importance of expanding the path of the Abraham Accords to include more Arab and Islamic countries.

And paradoxically, the document clarified that confronting threats will be “intellectually and militarily,” meaning it did not exclude the use of American military force in the region again.

11- Modest interest in Africa:

The National Security Strategy reflected a modest interest in Africa, similar to a large extent to what appeared in previous strategies.

Meaning that it follows the priorities of the previous administrations, as resolving conflicts and preventing them, and increasing trade and investment with Africa, are not new axes.

As the document stipulated that Washington should seek to establish partnerships with selected countries “to reduce the intensity of conflicts, enhance trade relations of mutual benefit, and move from the model of foreign aid to the model of investment and growth capable of harnessing the abundant natural resources and the latent economic potentials in Africa.”

This appears largely similar to what came in the Africa strategy that was launched in December 2018 during his first term, which revolves around (prosperity, security, and stability).

The document also considered that developing oil and gas and nuclear energy technologies will generate profits for American companies and help Washington compete for critical minerals and other resources.

Overall:

In sum, the National Security Strategy document has clearly defined the philosophy of “Trump” and the priorities of his administration during the coming three years, but it carried many controversial points that do not only reflect the vision of the current administration as much as they carry indications of the complexities that the American arena is witnessing, which will push toward more polarization and division.

The document also reflects confirmation of the transformation the international system is witnessing, in light of changes in the American role and Washington’s relations with allies and adversaries.

At Nawa, we see the post-conflict phase not as the end of a crisis, but as the beginning of a new developmental path.

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